On the Russian hybrid coordination construction
This paper discusses a non-constituent coordination construction that occurs in Russian in which constituents with different syntactic functions and different thematic roles are conjoined. These conjuncts are co-arguments of the same head and are subject to a number of idiosyncrasies.
We consider several alternative analysis of the phenomena, and conclude that these are unable to account for the full range of the facts. Thus, even though these conjuncts do not form a semantic unit, there is evidence that they do form a kind of coordination structure. The phenomena are challenging for any theory of grammar, but the syntax-semantics account that we provide involves minimal changes to standard HPSG architecture.