Conjuncts-as-complements: A lexical approach to SGF coordination in German
In this paper, I shall discuss a peculiar coordination construction in German, where the shared subject of the two conjuncts is not found peripheral, but is contained within the first conjunct. Following Höhle (1983), this construction is called “Subject Gaps in Finite/Fronted” clauses (SGF). I shall discuss previous accounts, both symmetric coordination approaches (Frank, 2002; Kathol, 1999), as well as asymmetric adjunction approaches (Büring & Hartmann, 1998). The analysis I shall propose will treat the construction as coordination semantically, yet assume a head complement structure that combines the licensing first conjunct with an incomplete (=slashed) coordinate structure complement. I shall show how this addresses the ATB condition, permits straightforward licensing of the subject gap, and provides better control over the second conjunct, thereby improving over the adjunct analysis.